Putting Gender Training to the Test

By Nicola Popovic;

Training sessions, workshops and courses form part of the professional environment in the development cooperation world. Not only cognitive knowledge but also attitudinal and behavioral changes form part of the learning agenda when working on human rights issues, sustainable peace and gender equality. Gender trainings in particular address soft skills and socio-emotional changes. These factors and shifts are difficult to measure. How can we evaluate whether training sessions really help to break glass ceilings, close pay gaps, prevent trafficking and violence through institutional reforms, and aid in statistical data collection? Continue reading Putting Gender Training to the Test

Proving Peace and Participation- Thoughts on Monitoring and Evaluation of the National Action Plans of Resolution 1325

by Nicola Popovic;

Even though some –even high level presidential candidates in some countries- these three concepts do not belong together, there exist a whole normative policy framework on Women, Peace and Security. Since its adoption, Resolution 1325 and its sister resolutions embrace a whole range of topics and issues and recommend specific activities and action points for governments, non-governmental organisations and the international community:

  • Resolution 1325 itself points out three dimensions including the need for full participation of women in peace processes, as well as the protection and prevention of armed and gender-based violence.
  • Resolution 1820 focuses on the protection of civilians from sexual and gender-based violence during armed conflict.
  • Resolution 1888 consequently mandates that the Secretary-General appoint a Special Representative to coordinate UN actions aimed to address sexual violence in armed conflict and to carry out advocacy at the national level with Member States. The resolution places a strong responsibility on peacekeepers for responding to sexual violence and requires that peacekeeping mandates include provisions regarding sexual violence.
  • Resolution 1889 strongly stresses the need for better reporting and monitoring mechanisms. At the national level, the resolution calls on Member States to develop National Action Plans. In order to track these and other implementation efforts, the resolution requests that the Secretary-General ensures that UN entities, in conjunction with Member States and civil society, collect data to assess the needs of women and girls in post-conflict situations.
  • Resolution 1960 states that the Security Council will utilize this information as a basis for further UN action. It also calls on parties of armed conflict to take specific measures to combat sexual violence and for the Secretary-General to track such measures.
  • The Resolutions 2106 and 2122, were both adopted in 2013.
  • Resolution 2106 focuses very much on supporting Member States in post-conflict scenarios to include a gender perspective in their recovery and peacebuilding efforts.
  • Resolution 2122 requests DPA and DPKO to report and include women, peace and security issues in their regular briefings and reports.

So far, 60 countries worldwide have developed national action plans to implement the basic principles the above resolutions recommend. Among them are almost all Western European countries of which, especially the Scandinavian countries have been on the forefront of the implementation, monitoring and evaluation of their national action plans. Even though almost all activities outlined in the action plans of Western countries focus on initiatives outside their own state borders,the actors affected have almost never been consulted or involved in review processes of these action plans. When working on empowerment and peaceful conflict resolution a non-patriach approach seems key but often compromised by unequal power relations in and even between countries.

The Austrian Action Plan for example very strongly focused on measuring the success and implementation of its development cooperation projects and peacekeeping missions in countries such as Northern Uganda, South Eastern Europe, Ethiopia, Rwanda.[1] The national action plan of Norway of 2006 has addressed and funded projects in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Afghanistan, Sudan and Nepal.[2] Both action plans focus therefore also their indicators on outputs outside the country of the action plan.

An indicator is “a measure that helps answer the question of how much, or whether, progress is being made toward a certain objective”[3] and are an integral part of a national action plan facilitating the needed monitoring process to prove its success or failure in different areas. In the context of national action planning on resolution 1325, the development of indicators for activities outside the state border of the country with the NAP (National Action Plan) means that the objective of the women, peace and security agenda in country X still does very much depend on the national priority of the donor country.

Examples of most common indicators in national action plans include the number of women in the armed forces or the number of cases of sexual and gender-based violence reported and prosecuted in a specific country during a specific period of time. Looking at these indicators separately they may provide misleading or incomplete information. Therefore, the use of qualitative indicator and a more contextualizing narrative is considered more and more important when reviewing these plans. But the narrative very often is not told by the people affected but by the people managing the development cooperation projects.

Even though several national action plans such have been reviewed, evaluated and updated by the governments, they almost never invite the affected population on the ground, the beneficiaries of the development cooperation projects and the 1325 NAP to provide their input about the good practices and lessons learned. Also the OSCE has conducted a study reviewing national action plans of their member states comparing the activities, structure and process of the action planning in those countries.[4] While other global policies have their well-defined reporting mechanisms such as CEDAW, the reporting on the advances on the implementation of resolution 1325 has been rather informal and anecdotal. Despite the adoption of global indicators[5] the reporting and comparison at the international level has always been rather anecdotal than systematic, reflected in the Secretary General reports, regional organisations such as the European Union and reviews by civil society organisations.[6]

Even though there is a general agreement with the global indicators developed by the United Nations, the indicators in each action plan have been developed by the national governments developing the NAP themselves in accordance to their policy priorities and capacities. The monitoring of the activities and outputs in harmony with the indicators also lay in the hands of the respectives governments. Evaluation on the other hand are often conducted by external actors, such as NGOs or independent consultants but nonetheless, inherently depend on the indicator previously developed. The collection of data and input into these evaluation and monitoring indicators almost depend on the governments and especially the leading ministry –Foreign Ministry for example- or institution –development agency for example- that works on the ground or hands out the financial resources to a collaborating agency.

In the case of most European action plans, which almost exclusively focus on activities outside their own state borders, it is particularly difficult to collect the data needed and contextualize the data in relation to the priorities of the country with the action plan, as well as the country where the implementation happened. For example, when a country like the Netherlands has several projects that are financed through the national action plan on resolution 1325 in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the data collection on how he cases of sexual and gender based violence have increased or decreased and can be attributed to the project activities, has several complex layers and requires an understanding for the meanings of gender dynamics and definition of sexual and gender-based violence in the Netherlands as well as the DRC.

Outputs, activities and indicators in national action plans of European countries, therefore need to take the realistic data collection and contextualization of gender definition into consideration when developed. They should not only reflect the priorities and capacities inside the government of the action plan but take its impact zone into major consideration, which in especially in the case of European countries may lay outside the sphere in which it is developed. Consultations, base-line studies and participation of the local population and decision makers in the areas and countries of impact should ideally participate in the development process of the action plan, as well as the performance indicators. What may mean success on paper here, may not be a success in the country the activities are conducted in. In order to move truly promote gender equality and positive peace more participation and dialogue is needed overcoming unequal power structures that are still inherent in today development cooperation dynamics between donor and recipient country.

Action planning processes therefore should increase the inclusion of the end beneficiaries and the social changes attributed to in the country of destination. Monitoring and evaluation then should contribute to NAP reviews and updates that also involve the same national actors on the ground in order to improve the efficiency and most important the impact, preventing conflict and gender-based violence here and the countries Europe wants to support.




United Nations Development Programme. Measuring Democratic Governance: A Framework for Selecting Pro-poor and Gender Sensitive Indicators. New York and Oslo: 2006.

Deutscher Bundestag. Antwort der Bundesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage der Abgeordneten Claudia Roth (Augsburg), Dr. Franziska Brantner, Uwe Kekeritz, weiterer Abgeordneter und der Fraktion BÜNDNIS 90/DIE GRÜNEN – Drucksache 18/2680 – Umsetzung des nationalen Aktionsplans zur UN-Resolution 1325. 18/2922. Berlin: 2014 http://dipbt.bundestag.de/dip21/btd/18/029/1802922.pdf


GNWP. Women Count. United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 –Civil Society Monitoring Report 2014. New York: 2014. http://gnwp.peacegeeks.org/resource-type/publications-english


Government of Austria, Federal Ministry for European and International Affairs. Austrian Action Plan on Implementation UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000). Vienna: Federal Ministry for European and International Affairs, August 2007.


OSCE. OSCE Study on the National Acton Plans on the Implementation oft he United Nations Security Council Resolution  1325. 2014

UN Women. Tracking Implementation of United Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000). New York: 2012 http://www.unwomen.org/~/media/Headquarters/Media/Publications/en/02ATrackingImplementationofSecurityCouncilRe.pdf


United Nations Security Council. Report of the Secretary General. Women, Peace and Security. S/2010/173. New York: 2010 http://www.peacewomen.org/sites/default/files/women_peace_security-un_sc_res_1325-indicators_for_monitoring_implementation_0.pdf

[1] Government of Austria, Federal Ministry for European and International Affairs. Austrian Action Plan on Implementation UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000). Vienna: Federal Ministry for European and International Affairs, August 2007.

[2] Government of Norway, Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Norwegian Government’s Action Plan for the Implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000) on Women, Peace and Security. Oslo: Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, March 2006.

[3] United Nations Development Programme. Measuring Democratic Governance: A Framework for Selecting Pro-poor and Gender Sensitive Indicators. New York and Oslo: 2006.

[4] OSCE. OSCE Study on the National Acton Plans on the Implementation oft he United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325. 2014

[5] United Nations Security Council. Report of the Secretary General. Women, Peace and Security. S/2010/173. New York: 2010

[6] GNWP. Women Count. United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 –Civil Society Monitoring Report 2014. New York: 2014.

The F-words – Female Freedom Fighters in Post-colonial Zimbabwe

October 2016

by Nicola Popovic 

When she speaks about her decision to join the rebels across the border in Mozambique, her face and demeanor embody that of a teenage girl fascinated by the spiritual power around the freedom fighters, disappointed by her conservative Christian education, and denied the possibilities white kids had in Southern Africa in the 1970s. The Zimbabwean myth that a freedom fighter can change “from one being into another” attracted the young Shona woman. It led to her decision to pay back her old school director for his maltreatment of her and to join the rebel forces. The name she chose for herself is “Freedom” and she insists that it was not only a free choice for her to join the rebel forces.

The context in which Freedom grew up left no space for the professional development, political participation nor economic prosperity for a young black woman. Unequal power relations were determined by factors such as race, gender and ethnicity (for example, between the Shona, Nbdele and Tonga). During the colonialisation process, Rhodesia was under the rule of the British crown and foreign investors, most of whom were European. The country’s economic and social structures were determined by large farms inhabited by their white owners as well as the numerous black farm employees who earned very unequal pay.

When the pressure to hold democratic elections increased among the population in Zimbabwe, in 1965 Southern Rhodesia declared unilateral independence, maintaining colonial rule under Ian Smith. The continuation of the colonial structures eventually led to a civil war from 1966 to 1980 starting with an uprising of  the black local population. Among the most prominent objectives of the liberation struggle were the establishment of a democratic and representative government (one man one vote), the unification and identification of an African people, the end of oppression, and liberation from colonialism and imperialism.[1]

The promise for a more equal and just society led many young Zimbabwean men and women to join the freedom fighters. A female ex-combatant states: “I heard it said that if the armed struggle was successful we would have the same education as the whites. …The final thing that moved me to go to Mozambique was the curfew. Blacks were not allowed to go out after 6 o’clock. I knew by right I was a Zimbabwean yet I hadn’t the pleasure of moving in the country as an indigenous person.”[2]

The reasons men and women joined the rebel forces were as manifold, diverse and influenced by their gender roles as their actual experiences of the armed conflict. Because of the complexity of political and ethnic identities that still shapes Zimbabwe today, there is only limited space for the narrative of female freedom fighters. Their experiences of carrying a gun in hyper masculine and militarized environments as well as their experiences of sexual abuse, the double burden of family obligations, and changing gender identities have never been acknowledged in a way that recognizes and accepts these experiences. Even though they are celebrated by nationalist leaders, female freedom fights remain surrounded by images of violence, aggression and sexual availability that catapults them outside the recognised, –traditional gender role that society has prescribed for women.

In Zimbabwe and many other situations, traditional gender differences are overcome for the sake of the struggle. During the Zimbabwean struggle, women were welcomed as combatants, supporter, nationalists, and politicians but also maintained their traditional female roles in the household. Traditional female tasks as well as non-conventional tasks, such as carrying a gun, were part of the female involvement of armed struggle. Women often carried out traditional supporting roles as cooks, cleaners and secretaries rather than military commanders. Rural civilian women often supported the guerilla movement by providing food, information, warm water and shelter. The support in food and goods not only meant that women supplying the guerrillas would put themselves in danger but that they also had to compensate for the economic loss to their own families and households.

On the frontlines, men and women found themselves both voluntarily and non-voluntarily involved in the armed struggle. The reasons for involvement varied. Freedom’s reasons were based on her reflections about her societal status, and the dreams and freedoms she strove for through the armed struggle. While others had political objectives from the beginning of their involvement, Freedom only came to discover the political concepts behind the liberation movement when she was already involved in it.

Not all women who became part of the freedom fighters’ support system or even as active fighters joined out of political conviction. Fear, for example, could stem from both sides. Both the Rhodesian soldiers and the guerillas could be a central reason for the involvement in the armed struggle for men as well as women. Poverty, abduction and empathy can also provoke various forms of participation in an armed conflict. Even if not politically involved, civilian women often were caught in between the frontline requests for food, shelter and physical availability. “The connections made by women between the lights of poverty, violence and struggle during the revolution and aid policies, and the failures of government pointed to the continuities of this everyday terrain of local resistance.”[3]

In Zimbabwe, spirituality is an additional factor that interplays with other political and social dynamics. Spirits and mediums are highly connected to ancestors and the land, the ownership of which clashes with colonial land policies and economic exploitation, representing a central issue in the armed conflict and political debate even today. The myths around the spiritual power of the freedom fighters and the spirits inhabiting Zimbabwean soil played a large part in Freedom’s decision to participate in the armed struggle, which is also the case for other rebels.

Armed conflict can dissolve the public-private dichotomy that shapes the female role in society, and instead make women contributors and allies in the war, even if passively and indirectly. While mere survival for her and her family is a lot less romantic, it is a strong determining factor that made women compromise and participate in the revolutionary struggle. “Rich complexity marks women´s understanding of what they participated; the nature of women´s political consciousness was differentiated and varied from slogan-led politicization to grounded experiences of felt oppression. These women´s understandings of the politics of war emerged from their own local experiences in the main and involved a language of resistance that is dedicated on limited life choices, the degradation of poverty voiced as anger or the wordless lassitude of clapped hands to denoted hopelessness.[4]

While their contributions may have been diverse, there is a discourse that has a romanticizing connotation in political speeches in the liberated post-colonial Zimbabwe today. The fact that women have been fighting next to men is not a secret. For example, Robert Mugabe, then leader of the ZANU-PF armed wing, recognized that, ”‘our women fighters have demonstrated beyond all doubt that they are as capable as men and deserve equal treatment, both in regard to training and appointments. It is also necessary that we should promote more women to the High Command’.”[5] Even though there is political recognition of female freedom fighters, the voices of female ex-combatants are rarely heard; they seldom sit at the peace table and are hardly included in shaping national or international policy and politics now that the conflict has been settled. Their roles in  the armed struggle as well as after its termination and the subsequent change in political leadership have had to continuously be re-negotiated until today.

It is even said that the “actual number of female fighters tends to be exaggerated. Figures for ZANU vary from one third of the total fighting force inside Zimbabwe to accounts of 1,500- 2,000 female fighters. (…) Figures in 1987 show that 75 per cent of women fighters and workers in ZANU camps in Mozambique were between ages of 14-24 while the remaining 25 per cent were in the 25-29 age group.”[6] While the number of active fighters may be lower than is often referenced, the number of women participating in the armed struggle by supporting the fighting forces both directly and indirectly remains unknown.

The variety of roles that women played as well as their significance and contributions to the armed struggle are often indirect, untold, and hidden behind the grey area between the faithful housewife and the heroic female guerilla fighter. It is hard to grasp the female perspective about the liberation struggle, political movements and the current political participation of women due to the invisibility of women and their perspectives on political developments, the insecurities women still face regarding their identity, and their role in political processes. The oral tradition of storytelling, poetry and drama that forms a rich part of Zimbabwean culture lacks documentation and integration in the writing of history. This article does not attempt to do that justice, but rather to highlight the existence of a different perspective of a liberation struggle that started over 30 years ago and has yet to end.

Nonetheless, the narrative of female combatants differs significantly from civilians, the diaspora and the side of the Rhodesian army. “These experiences are so filled with contradictions whereby women may not be faithfully following the roles read off from their domestic existence or from a military imperative; a woman growing food in the face of guerilla demands or resources and state counterinsurgency attempts to cut off such supplies cannot remain in the cozy category of the domestic but is drawn into and forms part of the public reality of war.”[7] Supplying food, washing of the guerrilla’s clothes, and also the threat or pressure to sexual relationships with participants of either side are still underestimated as collateral damage and passive involvement in the war. Nonetheless, it represents active participation that shaped the historic outcome of the liberation movement even though it remains unmentioned and appreciated in political discourse.

Freedom becomes angry when she remembers one military commander who ordered her to come into his tent. Being only being sixteen and without military training, it was easy for him to rape her. She remembers how useless it was to the report to her supervisor since all reporting lines would end up at the commander’s hands. Chains of command within the military are highly hierarchal and it was impossible to organize independent judicial systems in a liberation struggle such as that in Zimbabwe in the seventies. Access to justice or even compensation for sexual abuse perpetrated against female freedom fighters is unheard of in Zimbabwe as in most armed conflicts. Women are often portrayed as victims rather than as survivors, especially when it comes to sexual violence, since this portrayal does not seem to fit the image of a comrade fighting at the front line. The role of the victim and perpetrator may not always be as clear in the chaos of war, and sexual relations are often far more complex and multifaceted as the story Freedoms tells us is.

Even though a lot of women joined the freedom forces out of their free will, there are also testimonies about forced abduction of young male and female children who eventually became soldiers and often mistresses and wives to the male commanders. Sexual violence, beatings and abuse are recognized to have been common occurrences in the military camps, even for those who joined voluntarily, like Freedom. As in any armed conflict, sexual violence has not only been used as a tool to reward male combatants for their sacrifices and joy, not only to scare, threaten and torture the enemy’s side, but also to discipline and control within ranks. In militarized environments, sexual relations that occur without the use of force may be influenced by military hierarchies, the fear of violence and an unspoken obligation to consent. The exchange of sex for food and goods may also be symptomatic of situations of armed conflict and limited resources in the struggle for survival.

For a women´s movement to drive social change and lay a foundation of gender equality after an armed conflict, social and political consciousness and continuous revolt against oppression that prevents the re-collapse in old patriarchal power dynamics is required. Promises to be freed from the discriminatory white rule and access to free education and farm land were gender blind and given to women and men equally under the conceptual umbrella of socialism.

Reintegration in the post-colonial society after the end of the liberation struggle has been particularly challenging for women who broke their traditional gender role, and returned as war veterans and female liberation fighters. A return to the rural communities to fulfill traditional female roles was impossible for most female war veterans. The degradation to a level of insignificance in the division of labour and political decision making led to disillusionment, even denial of having participated in the armed struggle. For a former female combatant, it is nearly impossible to identify and share experiences and sentiments not just with the women left behind, but also with male comrades because they have been denied an equal stance with them post warfare.

Though being mentioned, women returning from the battlefield did not receive the same recognition as their male comrades. No demobilization or reintegration program existed in Zimbabwe, and women in particular found themselves being relegated to old gender roles that they no longer fit into. Additionally, female former ex-combatants had more difficulty accessing public security services. Women ex-combatants confronted challenges over their social reintegration, both in terms of facing personal stigmatization and social rejection and, at the national level, in terms of being accorded inadequate recognition for the part they played in the liberation struggle.[8]

In the late 1990s, former war veterans played violent roles in the political realm due to the lack of appropriated compensation for their services, as they claimed. They as well as the unemployed youth were easily mobilised and instrumentalised for political rallies and campaigns. The involvement of female ex-combatants in this time is unknown.

The formation of governmental structures, such as the Ministry of Women Affairs and Community Development in 1981, are an attempt to create space for the inclusion of gender issues at the policy levels. The formation of women´s organizations, including the establishment of the Women´s Coalition of Zimbabwe shows that initiatives have emerged after independence to promote an agenda pushing and protect women´s rights. However, the lack of funding, political power and internal unity paralyzed a common agenda of the women´s movement.

Freedom wished to find a job in conflict prevention to share her experience and knowledge about the temptations and horrors of revolution and war. She wanted to inspire with poetry and activism for peace. She did for many years but died in an accident, this year, in 2016. She is one example of the many strong and courageous women in Zimbabwe who joined a struggle for liberation, women who were not afraid to get hurt or even die. But she is also an example of a woman who treasured peace and kindness, poetry, music and freedom of speech. These women and stories should be made more visible and listened to. There are very valuable lessons to be learned from them. The international community should involve them more actively in peace processes and peacebuilding initiatives.


[1] Kriger, Norma (1992). Zimbabwe’s Guerrilla War: Peasant Voices. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

[2] Bond-Stewart, Kathy (1984) Young Women in the Liberation Struggle: Stories and Poems from Zimbabwe. Harare: Zimbabwe Publishing House. See also: http://www.e-ir.info/2007/12/13/the-construction-of-a-‘liberation’-gender-and-the-‘national-liberation-movement’-in-zimbabwe

[3] Gorman, Eleanor. The Frontline Runs Through Every Woman. African Issue.CPI Group, London: 2011, p.13.

[4] Gorman, Eleanor. The Frontline Runs Through Every Woman. African Issue.CPI Group, London: 2011, p. 70.

[5] Chogugudza, Patricia (2006) ‘Gender and War: Zimbabwean Women and the Liberation Struggle’. p. 39.

[6] Gorman, Eleanor. The Frontline Runs Through Every Woman. African Issue.CPI Group, London: 2011, p. 57.

[7] Gorman, Eleanor. The Frontline Runs Through Every Woman. African Issue.CPI Group, London: 2011, p. 23.

[8] Lyons, Tanya (2007) ‘The Forgotten Soldiers: Women in Zimbabwe’s Liberation War’. Southern Africa Report, 12:2, February.

MPI’s Henri Myrttinnen for The Guardian: Sexual violence has many victims


“It’s good Angelina Jolie is highlighting the horror of sex as a war weapon, but the campaign risks overlooking male, transgender and peacetime victims”, writes MPI’s board member Henri Myrttinnen in a recent article for British national newspaper “The Guardian”. Read the full article here.

See more: https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/apr/02/women-not-only-victims-sexual-violence-angelina-jolie

Gründe für die Flucht

Nils Wehmeyer am 11.09.2015 12:49;

Europa bekommt mehr Einwohner. Das liegt an einer großen Menge von Menschen, die sich aus der Not heraus auf den Weg machen, um in der Ferne eine Perspektive für sich und ihre Familien zu finden. Die Not besteht darin, dass es Länder gibt, in denen Krieg und Armut herrschen. Derzeit mag dies insbesondere auf Menschen aus Syrien zutreffen, deren Land seit dem Jahr 2011 einem Krieg ausgesetzt ist, der vielen Menschen die Grundlage zum Überleben nahm. Insbesondere um die Belange dieser Menschen soll es in diesem Beitrag gehen.

Die meisten von ihnen haben in der Heimat alles verloren, was ihnen Auskommen und Halt gab. Häuser und Wohnungen wurden zerstört, das soziale Umfeld hat sich aufgelöst, weil bereits viele Menschen in die umliegenden Staaten wie nach Jordanien, in den Libanon oder die Türkei geflohen sind, die Preise für Lebensmittel sind ins Unerschwingliche gestiegen und die Sicherheitslage verschärft sich durch islamistische Milizen und eine völlige Abwesenheit staatlicher Sicherheits-strukturen. Jobs gibt es nicht, die Gesundheits-versorgung und der Bildungssektor liegen darnieder.

Ganze Landschaften in Syrien, Irak und Afghanistan sind dadurch für Viele geradezu lebensfeindlich geworden; vor allem seit der Islamische Staat seine schwarze Fahne wehen lässt. Die neuen (Schreckens-)Herrscher beuten das Land und die Menschen mit brutalsten Mitteln aus. Sie ermorden und versklaven Menschen. Sie bringen die Bevölkerung und mit ihr die ganze Menschheit dauerhaft um ihr zivilisatorisches Erbe, indem sie die antiken Baudenkmäler gewissenlos zerstören.

Darum fliehen die Menschen. Darum durchqueren sie die Türkei, leben dort auf der Straße und sind aufs Betteln angewiesen. Darum setzen sie sich kaltblütigen Schleppern aus, die ihnen ihr letztes Geld abknüpfen. Darum steigen sie in leidlich seetüchtige, völlig überfüllte Boote, auf denen sie ihr Leben riskieren und fahren über das Mittelmeer. Darum schlagen sie sich zu Fuß durch die Balkanstaaten und überqueren grüne Grenzen im Schutz der Dunkelheit, damit die Polizei sie nicht festsetzt.

Darum ersticken sie in Frachtcontainern, ertrinken im Meer, werden abgezockt, ausgeraubt, ermordet und vergewaltigt. Die Situation derjenigen, die es in die Europäische Union geschafft haben, ist jedoch nicht rosig. Ob auf der griechischen Insel Kos, an italienischen Bahnhöfen, in Ungarn oder gar im bayerischen Deggendorf: die Zustände, unter denen die Menschen leben müssen, sind katastrophal. Das Landesamt für Gesundheit und Soziales in Berlin, wo überproportional viele Flüchtlinge ankommen, ist mit der Zahl derjenigen, die registriert und versorgt werden müssen überlastet. Die Menschen erhalten Gutscheine für Hostels in der Stadt, da die Aufnahmelager nicht reichen. Die Besitzer der Jugendunterkünfte nehmen die Menschen nicht auf, weil das Landesamt nicht das Personal hat, die Rechnungen schnell genug anzuweisen.

Das dunkle Deutschland 

Die Bundesregierung veröffentlicht stetig steigende Zahlen der zu erwartenden Flüchtlinge in Deutschland. Das Innenministerium überprüft eine Kürzung der Leistungen für Flüchtlinge und die Bundeskanzlerin fordert die schnellere Bearbeitung von Asylanträgen, damit unberechtigt Eingereiste schneller als bisher abgeschoben werden könnten. In Bayern, Niedersachsen, Thüringen, Sachsen-Anhalt und vor allem in Sachsen gibt es Anschläge auf Flüchtlingsunterkünfte, im Netz kursiert ungebremster Hass bei Facebook und Co. seit Pegida im vergangenen Winter damit begonnen hat, das Klima gegenüber denen, die nicht deutschen Blutes sind, zu vergiften. Nachdem Vize-Kanzler Gabriel die Demonstranten vom rechten Rand als „Pack“ bezeichnet hatte, geht im Willy-Brandt-Haus eine Bombendrohung ein. Sogar die sonst über allem schwebende Bundeskanzlerin muss sich in Heidenau ausbuhen und als „Volksverräterin“ und „blöde Schlampe“ beschimpfen lassen.

Die Zivilgesellschaft ist fortschrittlicher als die Politik

Gleichzeitig gibt es aber auch Anlass zur Hoffnung. Viele Menschen stellen sich den alten und neuen rechten Parolen wirkungsvoll in den Weg. Ein Ringen darum, was Mehrheitsgesellschaft ist, hat Deutschland erfasst. Die rechten Hetzer und Scharfmacher sind bei Demonstrationen in der Regel in der Unterzahl.

Viele Menschen bieten praktische Hilfe an, indem sie Wohnraum zur Verfügung stellen, Altkleidersammlungen (ebenfalls über Facebook) organisieren, Willkommensfeste feiern und vieles mehr tun, um den Neuankömmlingen einen freudigen Empfang und einen würdevollen Start in Deutschland zu bereiten. Die Spendenbereitschaft steigt. Die Menschen helfen aus reiner Menschlichkeit. Der öffentliche Raum wirkt schon beinahe durchzogen vom Mantra des „Refugees Welcome“. Ob Fernsehshows, Talksendungen, Konzerte, Sommerfeste, Graffiti an den Häuserwänden oder im Internet, von überall schallt ein „Willkommen!“. Die xenophoben Volksverhetzer scheinen nur im „dunklen Deutschland“ (Bundespräsident Gauck) Oberwasser zu haben.

Auch die große Politik ergreift Partei für den Menschen in Not. Immerhin setzen sich mittlerweile der Vize-Kanzler, der Bundespräsident und (nach den wüsten Beschimpfungen in Sachsen) auch die Bundeskanzlerin auch für die Nöte der Geflohenen ein und fordern eine flexiblere Verwaltung, damit Flüchtlingsunterkünfte rascher als bisher in den Dienst gestellt werden können.

Eine Ausnahme innerhalb der demokratischen Partien bildet natürlich die CSU. Der bayerische Innenminister zeigt, von welchem Kaliber er ist, als er Roberto Blanco als „wunderbaren N*“ bezeichnet. Er eröffnet ein Express-Abschiebezentrum und fordert, den Flüchtlingen lieber Sachleistungen als Geld zu geben, damit der Anreiz, nach Deutschland zu kommen für diejenigen, deren Asylantrag keine Aussicht auf Erfolg habe, geringer sei. Er nennt die Zuwendungen eine „Zumutung für die deutschen Steuerzahler“. Die offensichtlich überfordernde Situation der Erstaufnahme-EU-Länder Griechenland und Italien hält er für „rücksichtsloses Verhalten“ und einen „Verstoß gegen das Schengen-Abkommen und die Dublin-Verordnung“.

Da bekommt man schon den Eindruck, dass für jemanden wie Herrmann die Welt eine bessere wäre, wenn die Flüchtlinge einfach im Mittelmeer ersaufen würden, damit bloß nur endlich wieder Ruhe einkehrt.

Europas Chancen durch Zuwanderung

Mein Eindruck ist aber, dass die Gesellschaft viel weiter ist als manche Politikerinnen und Politiker. Mit der erfolgreichen deutschen Fußballnationalmannschaft, die aus Spielern unterschiedlichster Hautfarben und mit verschiedensten kulturellen Hintergründen zusammengesetzt ist, wurde vielen Menschen in Deutschland klar, dass Vielfalt große Chancen in sich birgt. Und diese Erkenntnis gilt es umzusetzen auf andere Bereiche des gesellschaftlichen Zusammenlebens. Es ist gut, wenn Strukturen so gestaltet werden können, dass den Flüchtlingen in basalen Dingen geholfen werden kann.

Die eigentliche Herausforderung ist aber neben der Grundausstattung zur Erfüllung menschlicher Bedürfnisse die der dauerhaften Integration. Dazu braucht es andere rechtliche Gegebenheiten. Ich befürworte zum Beispiel eine Arbeitserlaubnis sowie die Möglichkeit zur beruflichen Ausbildung für Asylsuchende. Diese Menschen bleiben oft dauerhaft in Deutschland und erhalten dennoch keine Perspektive. Sie müssen aber mehr bekommen als eine grundlegende Versorgung. Sie müssen zeigen können, was sie drauf haben. Kluge Köpfe sollten studieren dürfen, gesunde Frauen und Männer sollten arbeiten dürfen. Und wer hart arbeitet, soll auch in den Genuss von Wohlstand kommen können. Das hilft bei der Integration. Wer arbeitet, erarbeitet sich eben immer auch Respekt. Und Respekt ist eine Fortführung menschlicher Würde. Aber nicht nur die Flüchtlinge könnten davon profitieren, wenn Ihnen mehr Chancen eröffnet würden. Es wäre gleichsam eine Chance für die europäischen Gesellschaften, neue Einflüsse erleben zu dürfen, alternative Lösungsmöglichkeiten zu finden, durch Menschen, die einen anderen Blick auf die Dinge mitbringen.

Europas neue Einwohner könnten zudem die demografischen Probleme etwas lindern. Aber das können sie eben nur, wenn sie auch die Möglichkeit erhalten, sich an der Vermehrung des europäischen Wohlstands zu beteiligen.

Zugegeben, Braindrain und Arbeitsmigration werfen noch andere Fragen auf. Zum Beispiel die Frage danach, was denn aus den Ländern wird, aus denen junge und gesunde Menschen fliehen. Es bleiben arme, alte und kranke Menschen zurück, die nicht den gefährlichen Weg nach Europa nicht wagen können. Es bleiben Staaten zurück, die weiter zerfallen und in denen es zu wenige leistungsfähige Menschen gibt, die ihr Land wieder aufbauen können. Was wiederum weitere Migration nach sich zieht. Deshalb bin ich auch gegen ein gezieltes Werben um Migration aus Entwicklungsländern. Mir geht es um die Menschen, die von selbst nach Europa kommen und hier die Chance erhalten sollten, sich ein würdiges Leben aufzubauen.

Dennoch sollten wir viel stärker als bisher prüfen, welche Politik geeignet ist, die Situation in den Herkunftsländern zu verbessern. Die Außenpolitik westlicher Staaten insbesondere im nahen Osten ist dafür ungeeignet und von ökonomischen Interessen gesteuert. Irak, Afghanistan und Syrien oder der Umgang mit dem palästinensisch-israelischen Konflikt können nicht als beispielhaft gelten. Hier müssen dringend neue Ansätze erdacht werden. Das sind die Aufgaben der Außen- und Entwicklungspolitik.

Nils Wehmeyer ist Mitglied des Mauerpark Institute e.V. und arbeitet an der TU Berlin. Er organisierte dort internationale Austauschprogramme und betreute dort insbesondere Austauschstudierende aus dem arabischen Raum.